FOURTH   OF  JULY  ORATION 


The  AhiERiCiAN  Mind 


B\' 


REV.  CHARLES  W,  LYONS,  S,  J, 


923 


F73-Z6 


C.   li/.    /C^fiT^  Jj  , 


ORATION 


THE  AMERICAN  MIND 


BY 


REV.  CHARLES  W.  LYONS,  S.  J. 


DELIVERED  BEFORE  THE  CITY   GOVERNMENT   AND   CITIZENS  OF  BOSTON 

IN   FANEUIL   HALL,    ON   THE  ONE   HUNDRED   AND   FORTY-SEVENTH 

ANNIVERSARY  OF  THE  DECLARATION  OF   INDEPENDENCE 

OF  THESE  UNITED  STATES,  JULY  4,    1923 


CITY  OF   BOSTON 

PRINTING  DEPARTMENT 
1923 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2011  with  funding  from 

Boston  Library  Consortium  Member  Libraries 


http://www.archive.org/details/orationamericanmOOIyon 


THE   AMERICAN    MIND. 


FOURTH  OF  July  Oration,  1923. 


By  Rev.  Charles  W.  Lyons,  S.  J. 


In  the  evolution  of  any  life,  whether  it  be  that 
of  an  individual  or  of  that  corporate  moral  union 
we  know  as  society,  there  are  times  when  it  seems 
fitting  and  proper  to  pause  from  the  whirl  of  in- 
cessant activities,  turn  aside  from  accustomed  line 
of  thought,  and  let  the  mind  run  sweetly  and  lov- 
ingly over  a  treasured  past. 

And  today  our  beloved  country,  in  the  fulness 
of  her  achievement,  with  the  memories  of  one 
hundred  and  forty-seven  years,  one  hundred  and 
forty-seven  golden  years,  lived  only  that  her  children 
might  grow,  as  from  eternity  the  Creator  had  des- 
tined them  to  grow,  in  the  full  security  of  rights 
that  are  inalienable. 

Today  our  beloved  country  turns  to  us  children 
of  a  later  generation  and  pleads  that  we  follow 
this  generous  impulse  of  nature,  and  tarry  for  the 
moment,  while  she  lives  over  again  the  thoughts 
and  emotions  and  heroic  sacrifices  that  gave  her 
birth. 

They  were  not  new  thoughts  or  unknown  emo- 
tions.    As  John  Quincy  Adams  so  well  remarked 


4  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

in  his  scholarly  discburse  on  the  Jubilee  of  the 
Constitution:  "The  Declaration  of  Independence 
and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  are  parts 
of  one  constant  whole,  founded  upon  one  and  the 
same  theory  of  government,  then  new  not  as  a 
theory,  for  it  had  been  working  itself  into  the  mind 
of  man  for  many  ages,  but  it  had  never  before  been 
adopted  by  a  great  nation." 

Moses,  as  narrated  in  Deuteronomy,  had  charged 
the  judges  in  Israel:  "There  shall  be  no  difference 
of  persons;  you  shall  hear  the  little  as  well  as  the 
great;  neither  shall  you  respect  any  man's  person, 
because  it  is  the  judgment  of  God." 

Aristotle  had  taught  that,  "the  State  is  not 
merely  an  institution  for  repressing  vice,  but  a 
necessary  formation  for  the  full  development  of 
humanity." 

In  the  Magna  Charter  the  germ  of  true  liberty  and 
equality  is  seen  in  the  pledges  of  the  king  to  his 
people:  "We  will  not  set  forth  against  any  freeman, 
nor  send  against  him,  unless  by  the  lawful  judgment 
of  his  peers  and  by  the  law  of  the  land;  to  no  one 
will  we  sell,  to  no  one  will  we  refuse  or  delay  right 
or  justice." 

The  mediaeval  councils,  the  military  orders,  the 
guilds,  followed  centuries  after  by  the  contract  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  made  in  the  cabin  of  the  "May- 
flower" in  which  they  "covenanted  and  com- 
bined themselves  into  a  civil  body  politic  for  their 
better    order    and    preservation,"    as    well    as    the 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  5 

charters  of  the  Providence  Plantations,  of  Virginia, 
and  of  Maryland,  had  accustomed  the  people  to 
joint  action  of  mutual  compact  and  deliberate  agree- 
ment in  defense  of  liberty  and  justice  which,  after 
all,  is  the  mother  of  democracy. 

While  the  schoolmen,  with  scarcely  an  excep- 
tion, as  Sidwick  tells  us,  taught  that,  "govern- 
ments derive  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed." 

"Every  constitution,"  says  Nicholas  of  Cusa, 
three  and  a  half  centuries  before  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  "is  rooted  in  natural  law  and  cannot 
be  valid  if  it  contradicts  it." 

"Since  all  are  free  by  nature,"  he  continues,  "all 
government,  whether  by  written  law  or  a  prince, 
is  based  solely  on  the  agreement  and  consent  of  the 
subject.  For  if  by  nature  men  are  equally  power- 
ful and  free,  true  and  ordered  power  in  the  hands 
of  one  can  be  established  only  by  the  election  and 
consent  of  the  others,  just  as  law  also  is  established 
by  consent." 

"It  is  clear,  therefore,"  he  adds,  "that  the  bind- 
ing validity  of  all  constitutions  is  based  on  tacit 
and  expressed  agreement  and  consent." 

And  although  Elizabeth  had  asserted  in  1585  that 
"kings  and  princes  sovereign  owe  their  homage 
and  service  only  to  Almighty  God,"  and  James 
defended  the  Divine  Right  of  Kings,  and  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cambridge,  in  its  address  to  Charles  II, 
had  declared  that  they  believed   and  maintained 


6  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

that  "our  kings  derive  not  their  title  from  the 
people  but  from  God,"  "Defenders  of  Liberty" 
were  not  wanting,  Bellarmine  declaring  boldly,  as 
Sir  Robert  Filmer  tells  us,  that  "secular  or  civil 
power  is  instituted  by  men ;  it  is  in  the  people  unless 
they  bestow  it  on  a  prince.  This  power  is  im- 
mediately in  the  whole  multitude  as  in  the  subject 
of  it.  For  this  power  is  in  the  Divine  Law,  but  the 
Divine  Law  hath  given  this  power  to  no  particular 
men;  if  the  positive  law  be  taken  away,  there  is 
left  no  reason  why  amongst  a  multitude  (who  are 
equal)  one  rather  than  another  should  bear  rule  over 
the  rest.  Power  is  given  by  the  multitude  to  one 
man  or  to  more  by  the  same  law  of  nature;  for  the 
commonwealth  cannot  exercise  this  power,  there- 
fore it  is  bound  to  bestow  it  upon  some  one  man  or 
some  few.  It  depends  upon  the  consent  of  the 
multitude  to  ordain  over  themselves  a  king  or  consul 
or  other  magistrates.  And  if  there  be  a  lawful 
cause,  the  multitude  may  change  the  kingdom 
into  an  aristocracy  or  democracy." 

These  thoughts  and  emotions,  expressed  and  re- 
expressed  by  the  writers,  philosophers  and  political 
leaders  of  their  day,  had  seeped  down  through  the 
ages  unactuated,  mere  themes  for  academic  specu- 
lation, until  they  filtered  into  the  minds  and  souls 
of  those  simple,  yet  truly  great  men,  who,  in  signing 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  gave  birth  to  the 
nation  we  so  rightfully  cherish  and  so  lovingly 
serve. 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  7 

In  a  letter  to  his  friend  Henry  Lee,  dated  May  8, 
1825,  Jefferson,  as  if  in  confirmation  of  what  we 
have  just  held,  notes  that  the  object  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  was  "not  to  find  out  new 
principles,  or  new  arguments,  never  before  thought 
of,  not  merely  to  say  things  which  had  never  before 
been  said;  but  to  place  before  mankind  the  com- 
mon sense  of  the  subject  in  terms  so  plain  and  firm 
as  to  command  their  assent  and  to  justify  ourselves 
in  the  independent  stand  we  are  compelled  to  take. 
Neither  aiming  at  originality  of  principle  or  senti- 
ment, nor  yet  copied  from  any  particular  or  previous 
writing,  it  was  intended  to  be  an  expression  of  the 
American  mind,  and  to  give  to  that  expression  the 
proper  tone  and  spirit  called  for  by  the  occasion. 
All  its  authority  rests  then  on  the  harmonizing 
sentiments  of  the  day,  whether  expressed  in  con- 
versation, in  letters,  printed  essays,  or  in  the  ele- 
mentary books  of  public  right,  as  Aristotle,  Cicero, 
Locke,  Sidney,  etc." 

What,  then,  was  this  American  mind,  that,  amid 
problems  vexed  and  theories  varied,  had  sifted  the 
wisdom  and  folly  of  the  past,  discerning  the  true 
from  the  false,  the  good  from  the  evil,  and  "of 
which,"  Jefferson  was  pleased  to  say,  "the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  was  intended  to  be  an 
expression?"  And  what,  again,  was  "the  proper 
tone  and  spirit  called  for  by  the  occasion"  that  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  was  to  give  to  this 
expression  of  the  American  mind? 


8  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

If  we  look  more  closely  at  the  type  of  men  whose 
united  action  founded  our  nation  the  answer  to 
this  question  will  not  be  far  to  seek.  They,  like 
many  of  us  here  today,  were  either  immigrants  or 
the  immediate  descendants  of  immigrants.  They 
differed  in  origin,  in  education,  in  race,  and  in 
creed.  They  had  the  traditions,  the  affections,  the 
prejudices  of  their  times  and  of  their  peoples.  Yet 
in  common  they  had  left  home  and  country,  led  on 
by  a  vision  or  an  ideal  that  made  a  fitting  basis 
for  the  union  that  was  to  come.  They  would 
break  away  from  an  effete  civilization;  they  would 
start  life  anew,  freed  from  the  tyranny  of  unjust 
laws;  they  would  enjoy  liberty  to  worship  their 
God  according  to  the  dictates  of  their  own  con- 
science; they  would  exercise,  without  unwarranted 
interference,  their  natural  and  inalienable  right  to  the 
pursuit  of  happiness. 

Crossing,  as  they  did,  the  same  unknown  seas, 
buffeted  by  the  same  winds  and  waves,  coming  to 
the  same  uncultivated,  though  not  inhospitable 
shores,  their  difficulties,  their  interests,  their  common 
foe,  drew  them  together  in  mutual  helpfulness, 
in  united  enterprise,  and  in  common  defense. 

Thus  they  came  to  know  one  another;  thus  they 
learned  to  bear  with  one  another;  thus  they  grew  to 
love  one  another;  and  understanding,  and  toler- 
ance, and  brotherly  love  developed  the  American 
mind.  So  that,  when  the  occasion  arose,  in  proper 
tone  and  spirit,  it  expressed  itself  in  the  immortal 


FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION.  9 

Declaration  of  Independence  that  solved  the  specu- 
lative problems  of  the  past,  secured  full  enjoyment 
of  liberty  for  its  people,  and  gave  hope  and  inspira- 
tion to  all  mankind  and  for  all  time. 

And  shall  we  mar  the  beauty  of  her  gift?  Shall 
we,  forgetting  our  com^mon  interests,  our  common 
enterprises,  our  comimon  foes,  destroy  the  unity  of 
purpose  and  of  action  that  is  essential  for  individual 
and  national  prosperity?  Shall  we,  by  misunder- 
standing, by  intolerance  and  hatred,  sully  the  luster 
of  our  heritage,  breaking  the  bondage  of  brother- 
hood? 

Ours  is  a  most  responsible  trust.  We  must 
hand  it  down  to  posterity  sacred  and  intact.  Capi- 
tal must  make  truce  with  labor;  labor  must  make 
pact  with  capital;  each  must  measure  even  in  the 
scales  of  justice.  The  rights  —  inalienable  rights  — 
of  man  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness, 
must  not  be  infringed.  The  rights  —  natural  and 
civic  rights  —  of  property  must  not  be  denied. 
Class  prejudices,  racial  pride,  assumed  superiority, 
must  be  dislodged  from  the  minds  of  men,  that 
justice  may  function  and  equality  and  the  dignity 
of  human  nature  be  sustained. 

The  home  must  be  safeguarded,  and  its  sanctity 
preserved,  that  our  children  be  protected  and  grow 

—  as  nature  destined  them  to  grow  —  in  wisdom  and 
grace  before  God  and  man. 

The  school  —  the  private  and  the  public  school 

—  free  as  speech  and  the  press  are  free  —  must  be 


10  FOURTH  OF  JULY  ORATION. 

encouraged  that  our  citizens  may  understand  the 
Constitution  and  our  laws,  and  in  the  full  develop- 
ment of  their  intellectual  faculties  realize  the 
burdens  as  well  as  the  privileges  of  representative 
government. 

The  church,  the  House  of  God,  must  have  its 
place  of  respect,  that  our  children  may  continue 
moral  and  grow  in  reveretice  for  authority  and  for 
the  divine  and  human  law. 

As  Hamilton  wrotfe  to  Washington,  on  the  occa- 
sion of  his  farewell  address:  "In  all  those  disposi- 
tions which  promote  political  happiness,  religion 
and  morality  are  essential  props." 

This,  I  take  it,  is  the  message  our  beloved  country 
would  send  to  us  today.  That  we  be  men  of  Ameri- 
can mind,  the  mind  that  expressed  itself  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  the  mind  that  was 
born  of  understanding,  tolerance,  and  brotherly 
love,  the  mind  that  didn't  hesitate  to  say,  in  the 
closing  words  of  the  great  document  that  gave  to 
us  our  nation,  "For  the  support  of  this  declaration, 
with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of  Divine 
Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other  our 
lives,  our  fortunes  and  our  sacred  honor." 


A.    LIST 

OF 

BOSTON    MUNICIPAL    ORATORS, 


By  C.  W.  ERNST. 


BOSTON    ORATORS 

Appointed  by  the  Municipal  Authoeities. 


For  the  Anniversary  of  the  Boston  Massacre,   March  5,  1770. 

Note. —  The  Fifth  of  March  orations  were  published  in  handsome  quarto  editions, 
now  very  scarce;  also  collected  in  book  form  in  1785  and  again  in  1807.  The  oration 
of  1776  was  delivered  in  Watertown. 

1771.  —  LovELL,  James. 

1772.  —  Warren,  Joseph.^ 

1773.  —  Church,  Benjamin.^ 

1774.  —  Hancock,  John.*^ 

1775.  —  Warren,  Joseph. 

1776.  —  Thacher,  Peter. 

1777.  —  Highborn,  Benjamin. 

1778.  —  Austin,  Jonathan  Williams. 
1779. —  Tudor,  William. 

1780.  —  Mason,  Jonathan,  Jun. 

1781.  —  Dawes,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1782.  —  Minot,  George  Richards. 
1783. —  Welsh,  Thomas. 


For  the  Anniversary  oj  National  Independence,  July  4,  1776. 

Note. —  A  collected  edition,  or  a  full  collection,  of  these  orations  has  not  been  made. 
For  the  names  of  the  orators,  as  officially  printed  on  the  title  pages  of  the  orations,  see 
the  Municipal  Register  of  1890. 

1783.  —  Warren,  John.^ 

1784.  —  Hichborn,  Benjamin. 

1785.  —  Gardner,  John. 

a  Reprinted  in  Newport,  R.  I.,  1774,  8vo.,  19  pp. 

b  A  third  edition  was  published  in  1773. 

1  Reprinted  in  Warren's  Life.  The  orations  of  1783  to  1786  were  published  in  large 
quarto;  the  oration  of  1787  appeared  in  octavo;  the  oration  of  1788  was  printed  in  small 
quarto;  all  succeeding  orations  appeared  in  octavo,  with  the  exceptions  stated  under  1863 
and  1876. 


14  APPENDIX. 

1786.  —  Austin,  Jonathan  Loring. 

1787.  —  Dawes,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1788.  —  Otis,  Harrison  Gray. 

1789.  —  Stillman,  Samuel. 

1790.  —  Gray,  Edward. 

1791.  —  Crafts,  Thomas,  Jun. 

1792.  —  Blake,  Joseph,  Jun.^ 

1793.  —  Adams,  John  Quincy.^ 

1794.  —  Phillips,  John. 

1795.  —  Blake,  George. 

1796.  —  Lathrop,  John,  Jun. 

1797.  —  Callender,  John. 

1798.  —  quincy,  j0siah.2>  3 

1799.  —  Lowell,  John,  Jun.^ 

1800.  —  Hall,  Joseph. 

1801.  —  Paine,  Charles. 

1802.  —  Emerson,  William. 

1803.  —  Sullivan,  William. 

1804.  —  Danforth,  Thomas.*^ 

1805.  —  Button,  Warren. 

1806.  —  Channing,  Francis  Dana.* 

1807.  —  Thacher,  Peter.2,  s 

1808.  —  Ritchie,  Andrew,  Jun.* 

1809.  — Tudor,  William,  Jun.* 

1810.  —  TowNSEND,  Alexander. 

1811.  —  Savage,  James.* 

1812.  —  Pollard,  Benjamin.* 

1813.  —  Livermore,  Edward  St.  Loe. 

'  Passed  to  a  second  edition. 

'Delivered  another  oration  in  1826.  Quincy's  oration  of  1798  was  reprinted,  also, 
in  Philadelphia. 

♦  Not  printed. 

'  On  February  26, 1811,  Peter  Thacher's  name  was  changed  to  Peter  Oxenbridge  Thacher. 
(List  of  Persons  whose  Names  have  been  Changed  in  Massachusetts,  1780-1892,  p.  21.) 


APPENDIX.  15 

1814.  —  Whitwell,  Benjamin. 

1815.  —  Shaw,  Lemuel. 

1816.  — ■  Sullivan,  George.^ 

1817.  —  Channing,  Edward  Ttrrel. 

1818.  —  Gray,  Francis  Galley. 

1819.  —  Dexter,  Franklin. 

1820.  —  Lyman,  Theodore,  Jun. 
1821. — LoRiNG,  Charles  Grebly.^ 

1822.  —  Gray,  John  Chipman. 

1823.  —  Curtis,  Charles  Pelham.'' 

1824.  —  Bassett,  Francis. 

1825.  —  Sprague,  Charles.® 

1826.  —  QuiNCY,  Josiah.'' 

1827.  —  Mason,  William  Powell. 

1828.  —  Sumner,  Bradford. 

1829.  —  Austin,  James  Trecothick. 

1830.  —  Everett,  Alexander  Hill. 

1831.  —  Palfrey,  John  Gorham. 

1832.  —  QuiNCY,  JosiAii,  Jun. 

1833.  —  Prescott,  Edward  Goldsborough. 

1834.  —  Fay,  Richard  Sullivan. 

1835.  —  Hillard,  George  Stillman. 

1836.  —  Kinsman,  Henry  Willis. 

1837.  —  Chapman,  Jonathan. 

1838.  —  WiNSLow,  Hubbard.     "  The  Means  of  the  Per- 

petuity and  Prosperity  of  our  Republic." 

1839.  —  Austin,  Ivers  James. 

1840.  —  Power,  Thomas. 

1841.  —  Curtis,  George  Ticknor.^    "The  True  Uses 

of  American  Revolutionary  History." 

1842. —  Mann,  Horace.® 

*  Six  editions  up  to  1831.    Reprinted  also  in  his  Life  and  Letters. 
'  Reprinted  in  his  Municipal  History  of  Boston.     See  1798. 

8  Delivered  another  oration  in  1882. 

9  There  are  five  or  more  editions;  only  one  by  the  City. 


16  APPENDIX. 

1843.  —  Adams,  Chaeles  Francis. 

1844.  —  Chandler,  Peleg  Whitman.    "The  Morals  of 

Freedom." 

1845.  —  Sumner,  Charles.^"    "The  True  Grandeur  of 

Nations." 

1846.  —  Webster,  Fletcher. 

1847.  —  Gary,  Thomas  Greaves. 

1848.  —  Giles,  Joel.    "Practical  Liberty." 

1849.  —  Greenough,  William  Whitwell.    "The  Con- 

quering Republic." 
1850. — Whipple,  Edwin  Percy.^^    "Washington  and 
the  Principles  of  the  Revolution." 

1851.  —  Russell,  Charles  Theodore. 

1852.  —  King,   Thomas    Starr.      "The    Organization 

of  Liberty  on  the  Western  Continent. "^^ 

1853.  —  Bigelow,  Timothy.12 

1854.  —  Stone,  Andrew  Leete.^     "The  Struggles  of 

American  History." 

1855.  —  Miner,  Alonzo  Ames. 

1856.  —  Parker,  Edward  Griffin.     "The  Lesson  of 

76  to  the  Men  of  '56." 

1857.  —  Alger,  William  Rounseville.^*    "The  Genius 

and  Posture  of  America." 

1858.  —  Holmes,  John  Somers.^ 

1859.  —  Sumner,  George.^'  ^ 

1860.  —  Everett,  Edward. 

1861.  —  Parsons,  Theophilus. 

1862.  —  Curtis,  Thomas  Ticknor.* 

1863.  —  Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell.^^ 

M  Passed  through  three  editions  in  Boston  and  one  in  London,  and  was  answered  in  a 
pamphlet,  Remarks  upon  an  Oration  delivered  by  Charles  Sumner  ....  July  4th, 
1845.  By  a  Citizen  of  Boston.  See  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Charles  Sumner,  by  Edward 
L.  Pierce,  vol.  ii.    337-384. 

11  There  is  a  second  edition.    (Boston:  Ticknor,  Reed  &  Fields.     1850.     49  pp.  12°.) 

w  First  published  by  the  City  in  1892. 

1'  This  and  a  number  of  the  succeeding  orations,  up  to  1861,  contain  the  speeches,  toasts 
etc.,  of  the  City  dinner  usually  given  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  the  Fourth  of  July. 


APPENDIX.  17 

1864.  — ■  Russell,  Thomas. 

1865.  —  Manning,    Jacob    Merrill.      "Peace   under 

Liberty. "2 

1866.  —  LoTHEOP,  Samuel  Kirkland. 

1867.  —  Hepworth,  George  Hughes. 

1868. —  Eliot,  Samuel.     "The  Functions  of  a  City." 

1869.  —  Morton,  Ellis  Wesley. 

1870.  —  Everett,  William. 

1871.  —  Sargent,  Horace  Binney. 

1872.  —  Adams,  Charles  Francis,  Jun. 

1873.  —  Ware,  John  Fothergill  Waterhouse. 

1874.  —  Frothingham,  Richard. 

1875.  —  Clarke,  James  Freeman.    "Worth  of  Repub- 

Hcan  Institutions." 

1876  —  Winthrop,  Robert  Charles." 

1877.  —  Warren,  William  Wirt. 

1878.  —  Healy,  Joseph. 

1879.  — •  Lodge,  Henry  Cabot. 

1880.  —  Smith,  Robert  Dickson.^^ 

1881.  —  Warren,   George  Washington.     "Our  Re- 

pubhc  —  Liberty    and    Equahty    Founded 
on  Law." 

1882.  —  Long,  John  Davis. 

1883.  —  Carpenter,    Henry    Bernard.      "American 

Character  and  Influence. " 

1884.  —  Shepard,  Harvey  Newton. 

1885.  —  Gargan,  Thomas  John. 

"Probably  four  editions  were  printed  in  1857.  (Boston:  Ofnce  Boston  Daily  Bee' 
60  pp.)  Not  until  November  22,  1864,  was  Mr.  Alger  asked  by  the  City  to  furnish  a 
copy  for  publication.  He  granted  the  request,  and  the  first  official  edition  (J.  E.  Far- 
well  &  Co.,  1864,  53  pp.)  was  then  issued.  It  lacks  the  interesting  preface  and  appendix 
of  the  early  editions. 

15  There  is  another  edition.  (Boston:  Ticknor  &  Fields,  1859,  69  pp.)  A  third  (Boston: 
Rockwell  &  Churchill,  1882,  46  pp.)  omits  the  dinner  at  Faneuil  Hall,  the  correspondence 
and  events  of  the  celebration. 

"There  is  a  preliminary  edition  of  twelve  copies.  (J.  E.  Farwell  &  Co.,  1863.  (7), 
71  pp.)  It  is  "the  first  draft  of  the  author's  address,  turned  into  larger,  legible  type, 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  rendering  easier  its  public  delivery. "  It  was  done  by  "  the  liberality 
of  the  City  Authorities, "  and  is,  typographically,  the  handsomest  of  these  orations.  This 
resulted  in  the  large-paper  75-page  edition,  printed  from  the  same  type  as  the  71-page 
edition,  but  modified  by  the  author.  It  is  printed  "by  order  of  the  Common  Council." 
The  regular  edition  is  in  60  pp.,  octavo  size. 


18  APPENDIX. 

1886.  —  Williams,  George  Frederick. 

1887.  —  Fitzgerald,  John  Edward. 

1888.  —  Dillaway,  William  Edward  Lovell. 

1889.  —  Swift,  John  Lindsay.^^    "The  American  Citi- 

zen." 

1890.  —  PiLLSBURY,  Albert  Enoch.     "Public  Spirit." 

1891.  —  QuiNCY,  JosiAH.20     "The  Coming  Peace."  s 

1892.  —  Murphy,  John  Robert. 

1893.  —  Putnam,    Henry   Ware.     "The    Mission    of 

Our  People." 

1894.  —  O'Neil,  Joseph  Henry. 

1895.  —  Berle,  Adolph  Augustus.     "The  Constitu- 

tion and  the  Citizens." 

1896.  —  Fitzgerald,  John  Francis. 

1897.  —  Hale,    Edward    Everett.     "The    Contribu- 

tion of  Boston  to  American  Independence." 

1898.  —  O'Callaghan,  Rev.  Denis. 

1899.  — 'Matthews,  Nathan,  Jr.     "Be  Not  Afraid  of 

Greatness." 

1900.  —  O'Meara,  Stephen.     "Progress  Through  Con- 

flict." 

1901.  —  Guild,  Curtis,  Jr.     "Supremacy  and  its  Con- 

ditions." 

1902.  —  Conry,  Joseph  A. 

1903. —  Mead,    Edwin   D.     "The   Principles    of   the 
Founders." 

1904.  • —  Sullivan,  John  A.     "Boston's  Past  and  Pres- 

ent,   ^^at  Will  Its  Future  Be?" 

1905.  —  Colt,    Le    Baron    Bradford.      "America's 

Solution  of  the  Problem  of  Government." 

w  There  is  a  large  paper  edition  of  fifty  copies  printed  from  this  type,  and  also  an  edition 
from  the  press  of  John  Wilson  &  Son,  1876.    55  pp.  8°. 

w  On  Samuel  Adams,  a  statue  of  whom,  by  Miss  Anne  Whitney,  had  just  been  completed 
for  the  City.    A  photograph  of  the  statue  is  added. 

w  Contains  a  bibliography  of  Boston  Fourth  of  July  orations,  from  1783  to  1889,  inclusive, 
compiled  by  Lindsay  Swift,  of  the  Boston  Public  Library. 

*  Reprinted  by  the  American  Peace  Society. 


APPENDIX.  19 

1906.  —  CoAKLEY,  Timothy  Wilfred.     "The  American 

Race:  Its  Origin,  the  Fusion  of  Peoples;  Its 
Aim,  Fraternity." 

1907.  —  HoRTON,  Rev.  Edward  A.     "Patriotism  and 

the  RepubUc." 

1908.  —  Hill,  Arthur  Dehon.     "The  Revolution  and 

a  Problem  of  the  Present." 

1909. — Spring,  Arthur  Langdon.     "The  Growth  of 
Patriotism." 

1910.  —  Wolff,  James  Harris.     "The  Building  of  the 

Repubhc." 

1911.  —  Eliot,  Charles  W.     "The  Independence  of 

1776  and  the  Dependence  of  1911." 

1912.  —  Pelletier,  Joseph  C.     "Respect  for  the  Law." 

1913.  —  MacFarland,  Grenville  S.     "A  New  Decla- 

ration of  Independence." 

1914.  —  Supple,  Rev.  James  A.     "Religion:  The  Hope 

of  the  Nation." 

1915.  —  Brandeis,  Louis  D.     "True  Americanism." 

1916. — Chapple,  Joe  Mitchell.     "The  New  Ameri- 
canism." 

1917.  —  Gallagher,  Daniel  J.     "Americans  Welded 

by  War." 

1918.  —  Faunce,  William  H.  P.     "The  New  Meaning 

of  Independence  Day." 

1919. — DeCourcy,    Charles    A.     "Real    and    Ideal 
American  Democracy." 

1920.  —  Wiseman,  Jacob  L.     "America  and  its  Vital 

Problem." 

1921.  —  Murlin,  Dr.  L.  H.     "Our  Great  American." 
1922. — Burke,   Dr.   Jeremiah   E.     "Democracy  and 

Education." 
1923.  —  Lyons,  Rev.  Charles  W.,  S.  J.     "  The  Ameri- 
can Mind." 


BOSTON  COLLEGE 


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